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| Israel’s War Against Palestine -- Now What? |
| Noam Chomsky - 2010-07-28 |
| Something Wiki this way comes |
| Mahir Ali - 2010-07-27 |
| The U.S. Military Moves Into Costa Rica |
| Mark Vorpahl - 2010-07-18 |
| Taming Finance in an Age of Austerity |
| Joseph Stiglitz - 2010-07-15 |
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| Stop the doping inquisition! |
| The upright citizen is bombarded with information about profitable
forms of criminality from all sides. They are the subject of discussion
in the pub, at parties and in the media. Fraud just is an integral part
of human life. Our upright citizen finds solace in the hope that such
criminals will get their just desserts. This is cold comfort, however,
because many get away with their crimes, as he knows from the news. But
if he keeps to the straight and narrow, he will not become victim of
allegations and prosecution. This may be a simplistic portrayal of social relationships, but in its simplicity it seems to reflect the actual situation. More ... |
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| In Search of Answers |
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The New York Times | Editorial The Iraqi Parliament has finally done something that the Bush administration, and many others, considered essential to political progress in Iraq: it passed a law intended to open government jobs to former members of Saddam Hussein's Baath Party. What should have been heralded as an accomplishment, however, may only serve to further reinforce the bumbling nature of President Bush's ill-conceived adventure in Iraq. No one, it seems, has a clear sense of what the law will do. Some suggest it could actually exclude more former Baathists than it lets in - a sure-fire way to fuel political tensions rather than calm them. That's not what was supposed to happen. One year ago, Mr. Bush authorized a major buildup of troops as a way to create the space for Iraqis to bridge sectarian divisions and achieve benchmarks for political progress that were set in 2006. While American forces have reduced violence, Iraqis squandered the opportunity, failing to adopt a law that would guarantee equitable division of oil revenues among various groups. So on Saturday when Parliament passed the long-awaited Justice and Accountability Law, we were inclined to agree with Mr. Bush that it was "an important step toward reconciliation." In a decision since regretted, American authorities dissolved the Baathist Party after the 2003 Iraq invasion and excluded most of its members from government jobs. That shredded the country's bureaucracy and senior military corps and embittered Sunnis, many of whom joined the insurgency. Shiites who suffered under Saddam but now dominate the government have resisted allowing their enemies to return to positions of authority. But many Baathists only joined the party out of self-preservation - the only way they could obtain work in their chosen professions - and integrating them into the work force is crucial. But the new law is so riddled with caveats and loopholes that some Sunni and Shiite officials say it could actually exclude more former Baathists than it lets back into government. That includes keeping them out of militias that have assisted the Americans in combating Al Qaeda and which the Americans hoped to integrate into Iraq's police and military forces. As Mr. Bush praised the new law, spokesmen for the American Embassy and for the American commander were unfamiliar with it. The new law appears to create the possibility of pensions for former Baathists who held top national and regional-level jobs, even if they are still excluded from employment. That's a plus. But that so important a law remains shrouded in mystery and confusion is inexcusable. And the fact that just more than half of the 275-member Parliament was present to vote on the measure does not inspire confidence that Shiites and Kurds really want to reach out to Sunnis. Administration officials continually lower the bar for Iraq. Now they admit that the law is not perfect but say it begins to set fairer standards. Iraq's presidency council still must approve the law and could yet make improvements. Iraqis are going to have to do a lot better to make their country work. Withdrawing American troops may finally persuade them to do that. Tuesday 15 January 2008 |
| The New York Times | Editorial |
| 2008-01-18 |
| Bron: The New York Times |
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| Evo Morales Elected Bolivian President in Landslide Victory |
| John Hunt - 2005-12-19 |
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| Evo Morales Elected Bolivian President in Landslide Victory |
| According to exit polls, socialist Evo Morales received 51 percent of
the votes in Bolivia's December 18th presidential election, enough to
secure his victory. Right-wing candidate Jorge Quiroga admitted defeat
with 32 percent of the votes. "I hope xenophobia will be extinguished," declared Bolivia's president-elect at a press conference on Sunday morning after casting his vote in front of hundreds of villagers on the school grounds at Villa 14 de Septiembre in Chapare, Bolivia. Morales, soon to become Latin America's first indigenous president, said: "We only want to live well…The poor don't want to be rich, they just want equality." The occasion was rich in symbolism. Evo wore a short-sleeved shirt and jeans and enjoyed a breakfast of fish and boiled yuca with village leaders and journalists before going to vote. This reflected the charming (but bewildering, for some observers) informality of his entire campaign. Then a campesino with a cowboy hat rode a buffalo through the village waving the ancient, multi-coloured wipala (indigenous) flag, which some say must become the new emblem of a re-founded Bolivia. At the press conference, Evo was flanked by women and men cocaleros (coca farmers) who casually chewed coca leaves spread across the table. It was through his leadership of brave resistance to the US and Bolivian government's coca eradication program that Evo has emerged as the unifying electoral focus for disparate strands of huge popular protest. "Zero coca would mean zero cocaleros," said Evo today. In a long fight, with many deaths, injuries and jailings, the cocaleros often blockaded the central highway between La Paz and Santa Cruz, choking the economy. At last, in October 2004, former president Carlos Mesa signed a pact allowing each farming family in Chapare to cultivate coca on one 'cato' (approximately 0.4 acres) of land. Contrary to reports, Evo says he is happy with the 'cato' for now and, as president, he would mount a international campaign for the right to legally export many coca-containing products, such as health cures, shampoos and biscuits. The national cocalero federation unequivocally opposes cocaine trafficking. Evo reiterated his commitment to nationalize the country's gas and oil resources but also stretched out a hand to the private sector, stating that "all honest people can join us, including businessmen who want to work for the country." But he would face huge challenges developing Latin America's second-poorest country. This was reflected in miniature in Villa Tunari on Saturday as four teenage girls in an internet café loudly discussed plans to emigrate to Spain. Bolivia relies on money sent home by more than a million economic migrants for an estimated 8-10 per cent of its national earnings. Morales was also forthright about his international orientation, "Fidel is my friend and I respect the Cuban people. I respect Chavez because he talks of a big Latin American nation." John Hunt is a journalist working in Bolivia. |
| John Hunt |
| 2005-12-19 |
| Bron: Freedom.com |
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